Posts tagged Media

Everything is a Remix

Join Kirby Ferguson in his quest to demonstrate that all culture is derivative, or as those hip kids like to call it, a remix.

Everything is a Remix.

Everything is a Remix Part 2.

P.S. I just donated $10 to him after watching these for the first time 15 minutes ago. Money well spent.

Examining Calgary’s “three horse race” for mayor

As always, local writer Jeremy Klaszus did a great job in his post analyzing why the brouhaha with the Calgary Police Service – more specifically, chief Rick Hanson – is a winner for mayoral candidate Naheed Nenshi. For those not as addicted as I am to Calgary civic politics, I’ll fill you on the situation: the police chief stepped into a debate between Nenshi and mayoralty frontrunner Ric McIver, calling Nenshi’s open questions about the pre-approved police budget “ill-informed” and “irresponsible”. As Jeremy explained:

Says McIver: “[Police Chief Hanson] can’t stand by and let somebody falsely malign his department.”

Says [Barb] Higgins: “I think the chief wants the accurate story out there and I think that’s a great thing.”

All of which would be fine — if Hanson was making any effort to put the accurate numbers out there and prove Nenshi wrong. But he hasn’t. So McIver and Higgins come off looking like they’re blatantly pandering to the law-and-order crowd, and at the same time, they’re helping further the “McBarb” narrative that Team Nenshi is pushing (gist: that McIver and Higgins are more or less the same).

And Nenshi? He comes off looking like the upstart candidate who happened to ask a good (albeit provocative) question and got in trouble for it. Not a bad place to be, and Nenshi knows it. Here’s one of his quotes from this morning’s Herald story: “I’m trying to get the facts on the table, and if the chief helped me get on the front page of the newspaper with my questions that still haven’t been answered, I’m not going to complain about that.”

I think it is worth going a bit further and examining just how disingenuous Ric McIver’s response was in the Herald article. McIver’s claim that the chief “can’t stand by and let somebody falsely malign his department” rings hollow when Nenshi’s questions are derived from the police budget and StatsCan numbers. No thinking person believes that Nenshi’s data is false, especially since no one – not the police or any of the four campaigns criticizing him – have provided a shred of evidence to refute his data.

More importantly, I agree with Jeremy’s assessment that ”it’s been a really good week for Naheed Nenshi” but for different reasons. I think the police issue is actually a secondary or tertiary point in an argument why this past week was the best of Nenshi’s campaign.

So, aside from handling the police issue masterfully, what made last week the best of Nenshi’s campaign?

Monday was a huge news day for the municipal election. Aside from being the formal start of the campaign (a.k.a. nomination day) we also saw two important developments:

  1. CTV/Calgary Herald poll indicating that Nenshi had broken out of the pack of over a dozen challengers vying for the third place spot in the Higgins-McIver “two horse race.”
  2. After a “sleepless night ” when the poll numbers came out (early Monday morning) Calgary-Buffalo MLA Kent Hehr gracefully dropped out of the race telling FFWD that he was “impressed with Nenshi, not with McIver.”

Losing one of the top 5 candidates (according to the polls), while clearly breaking out of the pack of would-be third place candidates, presented a Nenshi with a huge opportunity: he started calling the mayoralty contest a “three horse race.”

By week’s end, the “three horse race” narrative had percolated into the way many media outlets were framing the election, especially in relation to the headline grabbing dust up with police chief Hanson. The strategic importance of the media’s and the public’s acceptance of  the “three horse race” narrative to Nenshi’s campaign cannot be understated. While both McIver and Higgins have thus far ran conventional, low risk “frontrunner” campaigns – lots of vague bullet points, buzzwords like “vibrant” and relatively few concrete ideas – Nenshi played to his strengths and based his entire campaign on a ton of well researched, very specific “Better Ideas.”

The approach seems to be getting some traction. As DJ Kelly noted in Friday’s Metro, Nenshi handily won two post-debate audience polls this week and has recruited so many engaged volunteers and social media supporters that he’s effectively turned the #yycvote twitter hashtag (being used to discuss the election) into an “echo chamber” for his campaign. #yycvote is now averaging nearly 1,200 civic-election-related tweets per day and saw 1,500 on nomination day.

As a betting man, I’d wager that Nenshi and his “Better Ideas” are going to target the 44 per cent of Calgarians that intend to vote, but are still undecided. But before anyone suggests that I’ve drank the kool-aid, I will acknowledge that Nenshi has a huge hill to climb to beat the name recognition and the truckloads of money behind the early success of the Higgins and McIver campaigns – especially with only 23 days left to do it. But as one regular Calgarian pointed out on #yycvote:  ”All a person has to do is get others to read the candidates platforms and inevitably, they become @nenshi supporters.”

A new era of exponentially increasing accountability?

Lately I’ve been thinking about the role of technology in changing the relationship Canadians have with all levels of government. The potential for open data to create transparency and direct citizen engagement in deciding how their city is run, and how an MP can now speak directly with the Canadian public across the country to address concerns and respond to criticisms about recently introduced legislation, are two recent examples of how technology is creating opportunities to reshape the way the public interacts with government.

Particularly fascinating is the potential for the proliferation of low cost digital cameras to exponentially increase the opportunities to hold accountable authorities who break the rules.  Two weeks ago, the Braidwood inquiry concluded that the RCMP (in CBC’s words) were “not justified in using a Taser against the Polish immigrant and that the officers later deliberately misrepresented their actions to investigators.” The basis for these damning conclusions is the now infamous bystander video of Robert Dziekanski’s taser-induced death at the Vancouver airport in 2007, which lead me to tweet the following:

Rhetorical question of the day: Would there have been a #Braidwood inquiry without the video?

Only several days later, I watched the crowdsourced panopticon that was the G20 vandalism, and the resulting overreaction from police, via photos uploaded in realtime to Twitter (and on television).  In a few of the photos I saw, it looked like much of the crowd was there to gawk and photograph everything that moved. Listening to a podcast from The Globe’s @IvorTossell, who was live-tweeting and sharing photos of the protest, my suspicions were confirmed. The 4 minute piece called “All the world’s a cellphone-equipped stage” noted the same observation: that much of the crowd was there to take pictures and shot video; a change that signified a new era accountability and scrutiny towards both the vandals that broke windows and set fire to police cars and the riot-gear-clad cops who stormed peaceful protesters singing the national anthem.  The resulting images and footage were pretty incredible, even mesmerizing.

But even more astounding is this report from The Globe: the man shot the video of the death of Robert Dziekanski was at the G20 capturing more examples of the police behaving badly with the very same camera.

“I saw two different people get surrounded by police and beat down pretty bad,” [Paul Pritchard] said. “They didn’t get released until the crowd chanted for their release.”

He realized his cellphone camera was not adequate for what he expected was about to happen. He raced home on his bicycle to retrieve a trusty Sony Cyber-shot camera.

It was with that camera that Mr. Pritchard once captured the shocking images of a man’s death.

At 1:21 a.m. on Oct. 14, 2007, Mr. Pritchard, who had been teaching English in China, was at Vancouver International Airport on his way home to Victoria to see his father, who was dying of cancer. A ruckus in the arrivals area led him to train his camera on a distraught passenger. Four minutes later, police arrived and, in a stunning sequence later aired for millions of viewers, the traveller was zapped by a taser, his anguished cries the last sound he would make before dying. Mr. Pritchard continued shooting over the objections of a security guard.

This man personifies the new era we’re only just beginning to understand.

While size of these already-powerful devices continues to shrink – the power of the smartphone in your pocket now exceeds that of the computer you bought in 2001 – the quality and storage capacity, and the digital distribution network transmitting the media they create, only continue to expand exponentially.

This expansion is predictable. It follows along a smooth exponential curve when graphed, representing the rapid doubling of the speed and price performance of all information technology. But while the continued acceleration and ubiquity of technological expansion are assured, the resulting social and political consequences are still very much up in the air.

What will this future mean for Canadians and our democracy? I’m anxious to find out.

‘When we understand that slide, we’ll have won the war.’

From yesterday’s Rolling Stone:

From the start, General McChrystal was determined to place his personal stamp on Afghanistan, to use it as a laboratory for a controversial military strategy known as counterinsurgency. COIN, as the theory is known, is the new gospel of the Pentagon brass, a doctrine that attempts to square the military’s preference for high-tech violence with the demands of fighting protracted wars in failed states. COIN calls for sending huge numbers of ground troops to not only destroy the enemy, but to live among the civilian population and slowly rebuild, or build from scratch, another nation’s government.

When we understand that slide, we’ll have won the war,”  joked General Stanley McChrystal as reported in the New York Times in April.

General McChrystal recently got lost in the complexity of this spaghetti and meatballs plan for “winning” the war in Afghanistan, of which he was one of the chief architects. Michael Hastings, a shrewd reporter for Rolling Stone magazine, appears to have blended into the war-imbedded background as the proverbial fly on the wall while McChrystal and his senior aides’ frustrations boiled over.  To empathize, McChrystal’s agitation seems justified given the laughably quagmire-prone strategy that  he is attempting to execute (see above) and the recent report to the UN Security Council noting an “alarming” 94 percent increase in roadside bombings.

Correctly observing that “McChrystal and his men are in indisputable command of all military aspects of the war”  in his impressive exposé piece published today, among the numerous incendiary comments made by the top General and his posse, Hastings reported these additional gems:

In private, Team McChrystal likes to talk shit about many of Obama’s top people on the diplomatic side.

The most striking example of McChrystal’s usurpation of diplomatic policy is his handling of [Afghan pseudo-president] Karzai. It is McChrystal, not diplomats like Eikenberry or Holbrooke, who enjoys the best relationship with the man America is relying on to lead Afghanistan.

McChrystal thought Obama looked “uncomfortable and intimidated” by the roomful of military brass. Their first one-on-one meeting took place in the Oval Office four months later, after McChrystal got the Afghanistan job, and it didn’t go much better. “It was a 10-minute photo op,” says an adviser to McChrystal. “Obama clearly didn’t know anything about him, who he was. Here’s the guy who’s going to run his fucking war, but he didn’t seem very engaged. The Boss was pretty disappointed.”

After Cpl. Pat Tillman, the former-NFL-star-turned-Ranger, was accidentally killed by his own troops in Afghanistan in April 2004, McChrystal took an active role in creating the impression that Tillman had died at the hands of Taliban fighters. He signed off on a falsified recommendation for a Silver Star that suggested Tillman had been killed by enemy fire.

This is major scandal: a top military leader and his aides playing fast and loose with the facts,  undermining the authority of elected officials to create policy and pushing the United States and her NATO allies, including Canada, further into an incredibly expensive war. A war fraught with loosely defined, fuzzy objectives and tactics, as well as lacking: much public support to speak of, many key personnel and a clear exit strategy.

Undoubtedly, the continuing Western military operation in Afghanistan is being exploited for PR and recruitment purposes by al-Qaeda just across the porous border in Pakistan. And America’s policy towards Pakistan looks as though it is exacerbating the problem.  Three days into his presidency, Obama authorized the continuation of a Bush-era neoconservative policy (that persists to this day), which allows the CIA to conduct attacks from unmanned drones. Ignoring the fact that the US congress has never formally declared war on Pakistan, the results of the potentially illegal drone missions haven’t always been pretty. (As an aside, in a sort of  surreal post-modern haze, soldiers stationed in south-western United States are flying drone missions as a 9:00AM-5:00PM day job and are suffering from post-traumatic stress disorder just like soldiers on the battlefield.)

http://justicewithpeace.org/files/u1/Predator2.jpg

But to give a final hat tip to Hastings’ incredible reporting work, I’ll conclude with his analogy comparing the futile development effort (which is part of the bottomless-pit-of-blood-and-treasure-Afghan-war-plan) to America’s schizophrenic quasi-war policy towards Pakistan:

Dispatching 150,000 troops to build new schools, roads, mosques and water-treatment facilities around Kandahar is like trying to stop the drug war in Mexico by occupying Arkansas and building Baptist churches in Little Rock.

General McChrystal is expected to tender his resignation this morning.

… in related news, Subway trademarks the word “The”

“If ‘footlong’ is a name that’s been associated with us, it would benefit them that we would take an action like this to protect the association.”

-Subway flack, on why they’re sending cease and desist letters to restaurants using the word “footlong” on their menu, (which Subway has applied for a trademark on).

Bonus PR-Speak Translation! “Our sandwiches suck, so any association with us will hurt your business.”

Bonus witty retort: “Maybe the [Metropolitan Transportation Authority] can issue a cease and desist over the word Subway. That would be great.”