Posts tagged Alberta

Cities, Taxes and Transfers

For decades Alberta politicians have blustered over how Albertans send more money to Ottawa, over $21 billion a year, than we receive back in transfer payments. Equalization, the National Energy Program and a Parliamentary system favouring central Canada have been the omnipresent thorns in Albertans’ sides for what now seems like ages. The identification of voters with the conservative parties selling these popular narratives, both federally and provincially, has cast Alberta a bright, nearly immutable shade of Tory blue.

This seething hatred of supposedly-ill-conceived tax redistribution is only stoked by the need for the province to go hat in hand to Ottawa to get back what they can via the Canada Health Transfer to help pay for Alberta’s nearly $15 billion annual healthcare bill. Premiers from across the country will soon have an opportunity to renegotiate these deals with Ottawa when the Canada Health Transfer and the Canada Social Transfer expire on March 31, 2014, after which new legislation, and perhaps a new approach, will be needed. We all know that former Alberta Finance Minister, cosignatory (along with our current Prime Minister) of the infamous “Firewall letter,” and now Alberta Progressive Conservative (PC) leadership candidate Ted Morton would try to pry back more of Albertans’ money from Ottawa. But we know much less about what out next Premier – whomever that might be – will do for Alberta’s cities.

Cities you ask? What do they have to do with this conversation on taxes and transfer payments?

Well, it may shock some of you to hear that the very same folks throwing Ottawa under the bus for transfers are giving the same sort of raw deal to Alberta’s cities.

Municipalities deliver many of the core services Albertans rely on every day. Roads, parks, land development, affordable housing, public transit, parking, electricity, water treatment, libraries and recreational facilities are only a handful of examples. Many of these services require massive and often ongoing capital investments to get and keep them running, but there’s a big problem: cities can’t afford to pay for any of them on their own. Municipal governments can barely handle the operating expenses even while raising property taxes every year, much less the capital investments demanded by citizens.

Even though Alberta’s cities are home to some 82 per cent of Albertans (2006 census), they must still beg Edmonton and Ottawa for much of the funds they need to construct just about everything most people actually use daily. In a throwback to an earlier, much more rural time, Alberta’s Municipal Government Act gives relatively few taxation powers to Alberta’s cities.

While Calgary can levy property taxes – one of the most regressive forms of taxation, particularly for those on fixed incomes, like seniors – the province still takes a full two thirds of those funds. Much of the City of Calgary’s revenues come from user fees, tickets and levies, like the hefty charges aside from your power consumption on your monthly ENMAX bill. The truth is, municipalities are left with few good options to ensure they have the predictable, stable funding required to run a city.

So it came as little surprise to me this week when Calgary’s city council decided to “take the room” left by the $42 million reduction in the provincial take of property taxes, even with The Dinger going off like a broken fire alarm about how the mayor has his hand in your pocket, or something like that.

Misplaced attempts at fiscal conservatism aside, Calgary is using debt to finance some important and some time-sensitive infrastructure projects like the airport (t)underpass in lieu of the regular allotment of infrastructure funding from the other levels of government which possess greater taxation powers. So using whatever funds the province can free up to help us pay down the principal on what we’ve borrowed now is better than having to pay hefty interest on a bigger debt later.

But having the province hand over random bags of money is hardly the best way to ensure Calgarians get the roads, new libraries and LRT cars they demand, but are reluctant to pay for via increased property taxes. In fact, this system of province-to-city transfers ends up leaving millions in extra piles of unallotted, must-spend cash lying around – in this case, the Municipal Sustainability Initiative – resulting in the much maligned $25 million pedestrian “Peace Bridge,” and a nearly a coronary for The Dinger.

So if the Harper Government loses one of the three confidence votes it’s facing this week, I recommend reviewing where each of the federal parties stands on funding for municipal infrastructure. And while you’re off pondering your provincial leadership choices for the PCs, the Alberta Liberals and the Alberta Party think about what each one will do for how cities pay for their services and infrastructure. You could ask “why should Calgarians hand two thirds of their property taxes to the province to redistribute to who knows where?” and hope Ted Morton has a good answer.

What is Reboot Alberta?

There’s sure been a lot of talk about Reboot Alberta lately. But ever since the first meeting in Red Deer last November, much of Alberta’s political chattering class seems completely puzzled over just what Reboot Alberta actually is.

Is it a “standard unite the left” movement? Or maybe it’s a right wing plot?

Is it a bunch of out-of-touch “elitists” as Hugh MacDonald would have us believe? Or is it a nearly irrelevant “debate society” ?

Could it simply be a vehicle for a new political party? Or maybe it’s a support group for those fed up with partisan politics and yet somehow, simultaneously, group therapy for committed partisans?

Is it a group of people focused on democratic reforms that will re-engage Albertans in the political process, or just another division of Alberta’s rapidly shrinking pie of voters?

File:Blind monks examining an elephant.jpg

Alberta's pundits examining the Reboot Alberta elephant

There’s an ancient parable from India about seven blind monks touching different parts of an elephant and jumping to conclusions about what an elephant must be:

“Hey, the elephant is a pillar,” said the first man who touched his leg.

“Oh, no! it is like a rope,” said the second man who touched the tail.

“Oh, no! it is like a thick branch of a tree,” said the third man who touched the trunk of the elephant.

“It is like a big hand fan” said the fourth man who touched the ear of the elephant.

… and so on.

The moral of the story is that each monk was partly right, but none could describe the true essence of the elephant.

Reboot Alberta is our elephant.

It began as an experiment without predetermined outcomes or set expectations starting from this simple premise: put a bunch of politically engaged Albertans in the same room for a weekend and encourage thoughtful, respectful discussions about politics and Alberta’s future.

What emerged was a buzz of new ideas, new discussions and new relationships among the politically engaged.

In hindsight, the first Reboot conference was about creating a space for these important conversations to take place. The beauty of this idea was its simplicity. Tapping into a deep desire for renewed engagement, a decentralized community formed around Alberta’s political blogs and the #rebootab tag on twitter.

But who were these people? What bound them together?

Having actively engaged in this online community and participated in both conferences, here are the four things that I believe characterize the Reboot Alberta elephant, as refined by the discussion at my table on the bright Sunday morning of February 28th at Reboot 2.0.

Rebooters are already actively involved in their communities and share a desire to:

  1. create a better Alberta -  a place where we all can “live and flourish.”
  2. course correct with meaningful democratic reforms to address broken aspects of our system and encourage more Albertans to “dust off their citizenship.”
  3. connect with other people who want to foster democracy and establish a new vision for Alberta’s future.
  4. link together our existing organizations, communities and political vehicles to work towards these goals, both together and independently.

Some participants’ high expectations for the second conference were not met. And there are some genuine and very legitimate concerns about how to make these in-person meetings more accessible to those Albertans without a few hundred extra dollars to spend on a luxury hotel for a weekend. Yet I remain optimistic about these simple, action-oriented goals for Reboot Alberta.

So if you have something important to contribute to this ongoing discussion, I encourage you to take ten minutes and start a blog, sign up for twitter and start sharing your thoughts on how best to advance these goals.

I’ll be listening.

Alberta’s royalties, conventional wisdom and conflicts of interest.

Are Albertans getting a fair royalty rate for the resources we own?

It’s a reasonable question and one that has dogged Ed Stelmach since 2007 when he “initiated a public review of the province’s royalty and tax regime to ensure Albertans are receiving a fair share from energy development through royalties, taxes and fees.”

An important reason why Ed seems to be hated by much of Calgary’s oil and gas sector is the conventional wisdom (a.k.a. convenient myth, for some opportunists) that this royalty review drove away investment from the province and is primarily responsible for our continued economic woes.  The real blow to Alberta’s “one sector economy” occurred not long after the review when the global market for oil became extremely volatile and the price fell from $142 to $34 abarrel as the global finance industry melted down in the fall of 2008. The price eventually stabilized around $65-75 after the stock market began to recover last March.

It was unlucky political timing for a new Premier having difficulty articulating a vision for Alberta’s future, but even worse for the thousands of Albertans that lost their jobs as a result.

File:Brent Spot monthly.svg

Brent barrel petroleum spot prices, May 1987 – March 2009

Last year’s tough economic times affected Alberta’s entire economy and this year’s $4.7 billion deficit is strong evidence that these circumstances endure. But even with the price volatility ushered in by the greatest financial collapse in 70 years, the question of whether Albertans are getting their fair share for the resources we own remains a reasonable, albeit limiting, one. I would prefer to see us asking how our government can act as more responsible and effective steward of our natural resources, our climate and Alberta’s environment. We also need to look at how to reduce the province’s ridiculous over-reliance on variable resource revenues and make large strategic investments to our post-secondary education system to help diversify our economy, (the exact opposite approach of the 2.7 per cent cut we saw in budget 2010).

Bearing all this in mind, yesterday the Edmonton Journal reported that:

Alberta least competitive in oil and gas: U of C report

EDMONTON — Alberta is dead last in terms of competitiveness for oil and gas development and should drop its current royalty regime, says a University of Calgary professor.

Jack Mintz, director of the School for Public Policy, ranked five provinces plus Texas for the ability of their tax and royalty structures to attract investment, and found Alberta’s current royalty regime “creates a burden on investment that is twice as high on oil and gas” compared with other sectors in the economy.

Interesting findings. Here’s the PDF.

Although the comment is now removed from edmontonjournal.com website, the following was pasted from a Forbes.com database of board of directors’ compensation disclosed by publicly traded companies:

Director Imperial Oil

57 Years Old
Jack M. Mintz, Palmer Chair in Public Policy for the University of Calgary. President and chief executive officer, The C.D. Howe Institute (public policy institute) and professor, Joseph L. Rotman School of Management, University of Toronto.

Director Compensation (Imperial Oil) for 2008
Fees earned or paid in cash $69,000.00
Stock awards $138,200.00
Option awards (in $) $0.00
Non-equity incentive plan compensation $0.00
Change in pension value and nondisqualified compensation earnings $0.00
All other compensation $0.00
Total Compensation $207,200.00

Serving on Imperial Oil’s board of directors, Mr. Mintz has a direct financial stake in the success of a subsidiary of the largest oil company in the world that just happens to have billions invested in projects in Alberta.

The introduction to Jack Mintz’s research states that:

it is crucial to know just how much government tax and royalty policies affect the investment decisions the oil and gas industry makes relative to those of other sectors of the economy.”

If the conflict of interest couldn’t be more glaringly obvious, look no further than imperialoil.ca where you find them crowing: Imperial Oil Foundation gives $1 million to the University of Calgary’s School of Public Policy.

Ridicule is the only appropriate response to this mockery of “public policy research. ”

For the record, I agree it is important to ask how much do “government tax and royalty policies affect the investment decisions the oil and gas industry?”

Without independently funded studies, free of direct financial conflicts of interest on the part of the researcher and the university department undertaking the study, I have little faith in our ability to get a straight answer to this important question… which is another compelling reason for the government to properly fund our post-secondary researchers.

The Journal took some flack on this in the comments for churning out a preliminary story on this naked and seemingly effective, attempt to grab headlines. There are 70 (AHHH!!!) related articles and it looks like most are  churnalism.

Ok. Deep breath.

Can we please all work together and put in a little more effort to ensure that we aren’t being spoon fed bullshit?

K thx.

Alberta’s new Chief Electoral Officer unfit for the job?

Alberta’s new Chief Electoral Officer,  Olaf Brian Fjeldheim, was sworn in today according to the news release I received in my inbox from the government, which is strangely missing from the alberta.ca newsroom. Having already served as the Chief Electoral Officer and the head of Elections Alberta from 1998 until 2005, one would think Mr. Fjeldheim would understand the organization and be ready to hit the ground running.

Not so fast.

Today the Calgary Herald’s Jason Fekete tweeted Mr. Fjeldheim’s comment when addressing the role of the Chief Electoral Officer in encouraging people to vote: “I’m not sure that’s the role of the chief electoral officer.”

Let’s quickly review the vision and mission statements for Elections Alberta:

Our Vision

To inspire and engage participation in the democratic process

Our Mission

“To provide leadership and support to democracy through the conduct of open, free and fair elections, by creating awareness and promoting participation in the election process, and by ensuring compliance with Alberta’s election laws.”

So my question is this: when will Alberta get a Chief Electoral Officer that will work to fufill the mission of the organization he or she leads?

UPDATE: Brian Fjeldheim’s first order of business as the new chief electoral officer was to change these mission and vision statement to a much more wishy-washy stance on encouraging Albertans to vote:

Our Vision

Albertans have confidence in an easily accessible electoral process.

Our Mission

Deliver effective non-partisan services that meet the electoral needs of Albertans.

@BreakenNews has the goods on these changes here.

Rebooting our language

Adaptability, understanding, and interconnectivity.

That’s a definition of what it means to be a “progressive” that several people settled on at the Reboot Alberta conference several weeks ago.

While it is a reasonable attempt at defining a notoriously vague concept and political label, I’m more than a little skeptical about how these multi-syllable words will resonate with the 1.3 million Albertans that didn’t vote in the last election. Is a vision steeped in words like “interconnectivity” really going to inspire people to shrug off their cynicism, get involved in public and political life and start voting in elections?

I’m not holding my breath.

In the comments on Dave Cournoyer’s thoughtful post speculating on the coming 21st century political tidal wave, Matt Grant makes an excellent point – and quotes from one of my favorite political essays – noting how the wrong choice of words has the potential to lead progressives astray.

“Modern English, especially written English, is full of bad habits which spread by imitation and which can be avoided if one is willing to take the necessary trouble. If one gets rid of these habits one can think more clearly, and to think clearly is a necessary first step toward political regeneration.

So how would *I* define what it means to be “progressive” in Alberta using simple and direct language?

Being progressive is about looking to the future.

It is not an outright rejection of the status quo, but a recognition that our politics will fail to address many of our present and future problems if left “as is.”  It is a hopeful but realistic vision that embraces empathy, inclusiveness and respect for others’ views. It is about starting the “reboot” of our thinking necessary to build a better Alberta.

I believe much of the pent up frustration, cynicism and apathy with politics in Alberta is a reflection of the fact that nearly all of our leaders are silent on two of the most important questions for any leadership position:

“Where are we going?” and “How are we going to get there?”

I have some ideas about how to answer part of these questions, but I’m still considering the best way to present my thoughts clearly.

If you have an idea about how we should be answering these questions I encourage you to participate the #rebootab conversation and join us on rebootalberta.org